Thursday, June 20, 2019

Critique of British Foreign Policy in Regard of Libyan Revolution 2011 Essay

Critique of British Foreign Policy in Regard of Libyan Revolution 2011 - Essay ExampleIt withal involves the analysis of the influence implied by the International community and the British Government. The Economy One of the interesting policies implored include the two primary sources of revenue for Libyas transitional government being unfrozen assets and revenues from the oil industry. The role of the British Government and the international community become helping the Libyan authorities to develop the hydrofoil and accountability mechanism necessary to ensure that the public finances in Libya are spent equally and in a rational manner.1 Another precedence going forwards will be the development of Libyas economy beyond its oil industry. In addition to creating employment, economic diversification is pertinent to modify democratic accountability which is realized when a government is incapable of solely drawing on revenues accrued from natural resources for its income, but must also swan on the enterprise of its citizens. 2 Security Rival militias continue to operate beyond the control of the National Transitional Council (NTC), in multiple areas including in the chapiter Tripoli. The holistic make-up of the nouveau transitional cabinet has unequivocally channeled it efforts towards ameliorating the sentiments of militia which gravitate towards their community/area being adequately represented at the decision-making table. The NTCs declare interest in integrating militia into the defense forces of the state is indisputable in tandem with security concerns of the state. Concurrently, this will result in accomplishing the jibe objectives of availing militiamen with opportunities for employment and bolstering the countrys underdeveloped security capabilities.3 The role for the British Government and the international community in Libyas Domain is split in two. The assisting in the equipping and training of the Libyan security and the police force regardle ss of the fact that the NTC remains reticent to include outsiders in its security personal business at the present state. The second part is assisting the Libyan authorities to secure the huge number of weapons including chemical weapons, which are unsecured.4 The Tripoli authorities are onerous effortlessly to get the situation in the nations capital under control. An ultimatum has been issued to the brigades that insist that they should leave by 20th December. This was done in continuative with the Tripoli Military council insisting that the streets would be barricaded if the external militias had not conceded by then. The NTCs interim prime minister contradicted to the councils implying that confrontations were not the best sort around the situation. Regardless of this, an announcement was made that a major militia group of freedom fighters alien to Tripoli had agreed to leave. He decided not to mention the identity of the militia group though leading to slight speculation on the validity of the statement.5 Others members of the interim government further portrayed their suffer for believing that militias could be persuaded to leave or disarm from the capital though this was made with no profound deadline. Future Role of Islamist movements in Libya The function of Islam in Libyas public and political life is highly likely in its future structure. However, the aspiration for democracy in Libya is legit and almost no Libyan is implicated in the entrenchment of a theocratic state.

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